40 African Heads to
Land in Capital
India Seeks Larger Footprint in the Dark Continent
Africa is experiencing greater
productivity, stability and trade than ever before. Seven of the world’s
fastest growing economies are now from the continent. All of this means
Africa’s engagement with the world is an opportunity for better, more equal relations
More than 40 or more
government heads are expected to arrive in Delhi in the third India-Africa
Forum Summit from October 26-29.
The African continent is the
only one that remains unticked on the Prime
Minister’s global travel chart. The summit, which was postponed in December last year because of the Ebola pandemic is now in
Delhi.
The first two summits – in New
Delhi (2008) and Addis Ababa (2011) – saw a limited number of African leaders
in attendance because of the African Union’s insistence on limiting
participation to 15 countries as per the ‘Banjul formula’. (Only 15 chosen
States from the 53 Nation Africa Union Members participate in Summits). The
Chinese equivalent, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), started in 2000
in Beijing, has seen extensive participation from almost all African leaders.
This year the African leaders once again assemble in Johannesburg for the sixth
FOCAC meeting in December 2015. The United States, Japan and the EU also have
their own versions of such summits.
China three times US in Africa
China’s trade statistics with
the continent are overwhelming. At $222 billion, its trade with Africa in 2014
was almost three times that of the United States – a country that China only
overtook in 2009 as Africa’s largest trading partner. In comparison, India’s
trade statistics may not look impressive. However, compared to the bilateral
trade of $1 billion in 1995, the 2011/12 figure of $70 billion is staggering.
The worrying factor is that this figure has remained largely the same for the
past 3 years. In 2014/15, the bilateral trade was $71.5 billion. (Indian
businessmen have bitter experiences with the regulatory system in Africa, Airtel has just sold off
its mobile tower business there at huge loss. Rajan
Mittal told this correspondent that it takes 20 years for infrastructure
investment to produce result. Indian business needs more than 50% equity in its
ventures which the local governments are chary of.
Between 2000 and 2012, China
undertook developmental aid projects worth $84 billion in Africa. In 2014, the
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang promised another $12
billion – $10 billion in increased credit lines and an extra $2 billion to the
China-Africa Development Fund. However, much of China’s aid to Africa is still
directed towards infrastructure projects. While no match for China, India has
also extended almost 60% of its developmental aid to Africa. In the
India-Africa Forum Summit in 2008, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh had announced $5.4 billion as lines of credit to African countries, to
which a further $5 billion was added in the next summit in 2011. India also
wrote off the debts of Mozambique, Ghana, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia under the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries II Initiative. Furthermore, the Indian
government gives 22,000 scholarships every year to African students.
Criticisms about Chinese
neo-colonialism, especially with regard to the unfair labour and environmental
practices of the Chinese companies, have become quite vociferous in the past few
years. One of China’s strongest supporters, the ruling African National
Congress in South Africa, for instance, has recently released a discussion
document where it has asked for greater caution on the negative effects of such
practices. More than one million Chinese labourers occupy the African job
market now. While India will not be able to challenge China’s economic
dominance in the region, at least in the near future, its pull as a relatively
benign power allows it a greater scope of engagement.
Besides, India’s 3 million
strong diasporic community,
hitherto untapped, is now viewed as a vital resource in Africa. Given how
effectively the BJP government has used the diaspora, mostly in the West, to
push its foreign policy agenda (as well as its ideology domestically), it
remains to be seen how India’s large diaspora in Africa will be utilised by
this government.
Africa Renaissance
Although the relations between
India and African countries have generally been good over the years, it was
only in the first decade of the 21st century that they gained significant
momentum. The push came from India’s burgeoning post-liberalisation private
sector but the pull was the ‘African Renaissance’ project – championed
by the then-South African President Thabo Mbeki. While making a call for
greater solidarity of the African countries with the Global South within the
neoliberal paradigm, African Renaissance served as an ideological background
for greater economic cooperation between Africa and the rising economies of the
Global South.
Nigeria Oil
With only 0.3% of the global
energy resources and 17% of its population, India is an acutely energy
deficient country. By 2025, 90% of India’s oil demand will come from outside.
The often volatile situation in West Asia has pushed India to diversify its
energy basket. In the past 10 years, African countries have emerged as a major
alternative to West Asia. In a single year, from 2005/06 to 2006/07, India’s
imports from Nigeria increased almost 100 times. Today, Nigeria is the second
largest exporter of oil to India after Saudi Arabia. Almost 45% of India’s
trade with Africa is with only two countries – Nigeria and South Africa. But
India’s imports from Nigeria, mostly oil, alone are more than the total trade
with South Africa. There are also other benefits of sourcing energy from
Africa. The oil from Africa, particularly from the Gulf of Guinea, is low in
sulphur and high on quality. Most of the oil fields in Africa are offshore and
hence away from conflict areas. Unlike Saudi Arabia and some countries in West
Asia, African oil market is open for foreign investment. (Nigeria was notably
absent in the Africa Trade Ministers Summit Chaired Nirmala
Sitharaman).
Further, India’s ambitions of
UN permanent membership rest majorly on the support of African countries which
usually vote en-bloc – though the African Union’s Ezulwini
Consensus places the continent’s plans for UNSC expansion at loggerheads with
that of the G4. Maritime security in the Indian Ocean is another concern that
calls for better coordination among India and eastern and southern African
countries. Ninety per cent of India’s trade volume and 70% of trade value comes
by sea.