Supreme Court Lets Abortion Pill Remain on
Market, for Now
Justice Department
had asked high court to preserve access to widely used abortion pill
The Supreme Court temporarily
blocked lower court orders that would have limited access to the abortion drug
mifepristone beginning Saturday, preserving the pill’s availability while the
justices weigh the Biden administration’s emergency request to leave current
Food and Drug Administration approvals in place during a continuing legal
battle with antiabortion groups.
In a
pair of orders Friday, Justice Samuel Alito, who oversees emergency matters for
the lower courts that limited or suspended approval of the widely used abortion
pill, gave the antiabortion groups until noon Tuesday to file briefs in
response to appeals by the FDA and Danco Laboratories
LLC, which makes the branded version Mifeprex.
The temporary
orders expire at 11:59 p.m. Wednesday, suggesting a high court decision on
whether and to what extent mifepristone will remain available during litigation
may come by then.
Antiabortion
plaintiffs are challenging both the FDA’s 2000 approval of mifepristone and
subsequent regulations starting in 2016 that relaxed the stringent conditions
for the drug’s administration, such as a requirement for three in-person doctor
visits.
A late Wednesday
order from the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New Orleans rolled back
mifepristone access to the pre-2016 regulations, which limited its use to women
pregnant for seven or fewer weeks, required three in-person doctor visits to
receive and barred sending to patients through the mail.
That
decision partially blocked an opinion the previous Friday by a federal district
judge in Amarillo, Texas, Matthew Kacsmaryk, that
would take the drug off the market by suspending its 2000 FDA approval.
Under
current regulations, including some adopted during the coronavirus pandemic,
mifepristone has been available to women up to 10 weeks pregnant, and they have
been able to obtain prescriptions through telehealth appointments and have the
medication sent by mail. By 2020, more than half of U.S. abortions were done
with medication, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research organization
that supports abortion rights. Mifepristone also has other uses, including for
miscarriage management.
In the
Biden administration’s emergency appeal, U.S. Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar said the lower-court orders “would upend the
regulatory regime for mifepristone, with sweeping consequences for the
pharmaceutical industry, women who need access to the drug, and FDA’s ability
to implement its statutory authority.”
Danco
Laboratories in its petition said the lower-court rulings created “debilitating
uncertainty for Danco that threatens its very
existence.”
An
antiabortion lawsuit challenging mifepristone’s approval should have been
thrown out at the outset, the government said, because the plaintiffs’
objection to the drug is based on opposition to abortion, not any harm they
personally have suffered from its approval decades ago. The challengers,
although they include doctors, “neither take nor prescribe mifepristone, and
FDA’s approval of the drug does not require them to do or refrain from doing
anything,” the government said.
The
mifepristone case is the latest aftershock of the Supreme Court’s 2022 decision
rescinding abortion rights the justices had recognized in 1973. In overturning
Roe v. Wade, which set out women’s constitutional right to end pregnancy before
fetal viability, the court said it was ending a
49-year effort to impose a nationwide settlement on a divisive question of
public policy and personal morality.
“We do not pretend
to know how our political system or society will respond to today’s decision,”
Justice Alito wrote for the majority in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health
Organization, but whatever that may be, “the authority to regulate abortion
must be returned to the people and their elected representatives.”
Dobbs’s
political impact was immediate, energizing both sides of the abortion debate.
With a majority of Americans supporting access to the procedure, the Democratic
Party’s commitment to abortion rights has been boosting its performance at the
ballot box, retaining a majority in the U.S. Senate last November and seeing
liberals take a 4-3 majority on the Wisconsin Supreme Court after this month’s
state election.
In the
South and other areas where antiabortion views are more widespread, opponents
of the procedure have redoubled efforts to restrict access. On Thursday,
Florida’s Republican-controlled legislature sent GOP Gov. Ron DeSantis a bill
prohibiting women from obtaining abortions after six weeks of pregnancy, which
he signed hours later.
But if
the Supreme Court thought it had washed its hands of the issue, the
mifepristone case demonstrates that litigation will remain a central arena
where abortion rights are contested.
By
filing in Amarillo, the plaintiffs guaranteed that Judge Kacsmaryk,
a Trump appointee who once worked for conservative Christian litigation group
First Liberty Institute, would hear the case; he is the only district judge in
the city’s federal courthouse.
Judge Kacsmaryk’s 67-page decision, which said that mifepristone
cannot have therapeutic benefit because pregnancy isn’t an illness, was to take
effect Friday absent appellate court intervention.
Almost
immediately afterward, a federal judge in Spokane, Wash., Obama appointee
Thomas Rice, issued an opinion at odds with the Amarillo order, preventing the
FDA from changing access to mifepristone in the 17 states and the District of
Columbia that had filed a suit arguing that current regulations on the drug’s
dispersal were more restrictive than federal law allows.
Judge
Rice clarified and reaffirmed his order Thursday, saying the agency had to
abide by his ruling irrespective of the rulings in Texas and the Fifth Circuit.
Wednesday’s
decision from a divided three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit found it was
likely too late to contest the 2000 approval but left intact Judge Kacsmaryk’s injunction of subsequent changes in regulations
while litigation proceeded.
“We look
forward to explaining why the FDA has not met its heavy burden to pause the
parts of the district court’s decision that restore the critical safeguards for
women and girls that were unlawfully removed by the FDA,” said Erin Hawley, a
lawyer with Alliance Defending Freedom, an advocacy group which represents the
plaintiffs.