China US Trade Pacts give Iran Breathing Space
Better links between
Beijing and Washington offer more opportunities than threats, Iranian researcher
says\
·
Recent summits between Chinese President Xi Jinping
and U.S. President Donald Trump
showed growing cooperation on issues related to Iran, particularly its nuclear program.
·
After the September Washington summit, China
and the U.S. agreed that Iran
should uphold its commitment not to develop nuclear weapons.
·
China also reiterated its support for resolving
U.S.-Iran tensions through dialogue
and diplomacy rather than conflict.
·
Analysts say improved China-U.S. relations
could give Iran a new diplomatic
channel to communicate with Washington through Beijing.
·
Iranian officials worry about becoming a
bargaining chip
in major-power negotiations, but many experts believe the opportunities outweigh
the risks.
·
Before Xi's U.S. visit, Iran's foreign minister
met Chinese officials in Beijing to strengthen coordination and ensure Tehran's
interests were considered.
·
Xi and Trump are expected to hold two more meetings later this year,
which could create further opportunities for discussions on Iran and Middle East
security.
·
Iranian analysts view China as a potential
economic stabilizer and reconstruction
partner for the region due to its economic influence and political
ties with Tehran.
·
Experts believe China is unlikely to abandon
Iran politically, although Beijing must balance its support for Tehran with its
broader economic and energy interests.
·
Diplomatic efforts between Iran and the U.S.
remain stalled, while military tensions continue in the region.
·
Analysts note that China is not a major security
actor in the Middle East, but its diplomatic and economic influence could help ease
tensions and support future negotiations.
[ABS News Service/07.10.2026]
China and the US – Iran’s
key partner and its chief adversary – found firmer common ground on Tehran at the Washington summit last month, and further head-of-state
diplomacy could work in Iran’s favour, according to analysts.
Iran was on the agenda
when the presidents of the United States and China met in Beijing in May and again in Washington in September.
There was no direct
reference to Tehran in Beijing’s statement after the May summit, but following the
September meeting China was more specific, saying it and the US agreed that Iran
must uphold its commitment against developing nuclear weapons.
In an eight-point consensus, the two powers also agreed that no country
or organisation should impose tolls on international waterways, according to the
Chinese foreign ministry.
Chinese state news agency
Xinhua also reported that Xi Jinping said in Washington that China hoped that the
US and Iran would resolve their conflict through dialogue, prompting thanks in a
social media post from Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.
Donald Trump and Xi
are expected to meet twice more this year, creating opportunities for dialogue
despite Iran’s fears that it could be reduced to a bargaining chip in great-power
competition, observers say.
Niu Xinchun, director of the China-Arab Research Institute at Ningxia
University, said the shift in China’s statements between the two summits showed
that Beijing and Washington had “built greater alignment on Iran than before”.
“This demonstrates that
exchanges between the two nations are increasing and their consensus is expanding,”
he said.
A more stable US-China
relationship was “undeniably beneficial” for Iran, because it gave Tehran an additional
and “potentially far more effective” channel to communicate with and influence Washington,
Niu said.
Iran has relied on regional
powers such as Pakistan and Qatar to communicate with the US. Russia had also offered
to mediate, but its strained ties with Washington made it a poor fit for an effective
diplomatic bridge, Niu said.
“On the flip side, Iran
harbours a concern typical of smaller powers – the fear of ultimately being used
as a bargaining chip in major-power dealings,” he said, adding this was why Tehran
sent its top diplomat to Beijing for talks just days ahead of Xi’s US trip.
During the discussions
with his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araghchi, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi reaffirmed
Beijing’s support for Tehran, called for a political resolution with Washington
and warned against regional tensions spilling over into Yemen.
Araghchi also visited Beijing in May shortly before Trump’s state visit to
China.
Xi and Trump are expected
to meet twice more this year – once at Apec in Shenzhen in November and again at
the G20 in Miami in December.
With the Middle East conflict already in its seventh month and no
end in sight, it is likely to be a recurring topic between Xi and Trump.
Ali Salehian, a senior researcher at the Tehran-based Governance
and Policy Think Tank, said Iran did not need to panic over closer US-China engagement,
citing the consistency of Beijing’s policy on the Middle East and Tehran’s resilience
to withstand political shifts.
Salehian also saw “more opportunity than
threat” for Iran in improved US-China diplomatic ties. “We see opportunities – similar
to the mediation role China played between Iran and Saudi Arabia,” he said.
Salehian said Tehran had sought to deepen
strategic ties with Beijing, a position not likely to change in the near future.
Beijing could also become an economic “anchor of stability” for the
Middle East but it needed to go beyond its “wait-and-see” approach by being proactive
in regional affairs and translate ideals such as “multipolarity” and “Global South
solidarity” into action.
Jesse Marks, founder of Rihla Research
and Advisory, a Washington-based consultancy focused on the Middle East, said Iranian
authorities would be sceptical of improved Sino-American ties but there was confidence
in Tehran that “Beijing will not abandon them politically”.
He noted that there was a fundamental internal clash between Iran’s
diplomatic class and the country’s most powerful military branch, the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps.
“Both sides understand that China is unlikely to help the Trump administration
end the war, but the bigger issue is the internal struggle for identifying a clear,
united Iranian state position on engagement with the US,” Marks said.
Diplomatic efforts between Iran and the US have stalled since Trump
rejected an Iranian proposal – conveyed through Qatar – to reopen the Strait of
Hormuz and end the conflict.
In addition, Washington is reportedly preparing to send a third aircraft
carrier to the region and Trump has threatened to resume military action after the
midterm elections in November.
In Tehran, Iran’s top diplomat has said the country is “ready for
real diplomacy” but would remain steadfast even in an “apocalyptic war”.
According to Marks, Beijing had the “legitimacy and economic weight”
crucial for Iran’s post-war reconstruction and global reintegration, a role that
other powers, like Russia, could not easily replicate.
However, Marks said, while warmer ties between Xi and Trump could
improve coordination on Iran’s nuclear programme, this was highly unlikely to fundamentally
change regional realities as China was “not a major player in Middle East security”.
“Iranian rigidity towards a ceasefire negotiation comes at the expense
of Chinese energy interests in Hormuz. So, Chinese leaders have to balance how it
encourages Iran back to the negotiating table without undermining their position
once at the table.”
Jodie Wen, a fellow at Tsinghua University’s Centre for International
Security and Strategy who specialises in the Middle East, said China’s cautious
approach to the region avoided US-style heavy-handed intervention and was a conscious
strategic choice rather than a reflection of limited capability.
She said China
and the US remained the decisive players on the Iran issue, as both European and regional actors had limited
leverage and capacity.
“The significance of
the US-China summit lies in the positive signal it sends – namely, that when Washington and Beijing
build a foundation of strategic stability, regional tensions can begin to ease.”