What is Productivity?
Simply put, productivity measures
the amount of value created for each hour that is worked in a society.
Focus up: you probably know that
the amount of work you can get done in one day is your rate of productivity. Productivity
in economics is pretty much the same as productivity at your desk. But for companies
or even countries, measuring productivity is a little more complex than how well
you were able to hold a video call over the construction noise from the street or
your cat’s incessant meowing.
On a country scale, productivity
can mean the difference between good and not-so-good standards of living. For a
company, productivity can determine whether it can afford to increase wages for
its employees or even if it can continue operating. Stagnating or contracting productivity
can spell serious trouble ahead for individuals, organizations, and nations alike.
Understanding what economic productivity
is and how it works is critical to working toward maintaining and increasing it.
Here, we’ll take a deep dive into the theory and practice of productivity.
Explore “What is economic growth?” from
McKinsey Explainers for
even more on macroeconomics and growth, and where productivity fits into the bigger
picture.
What are the different kinds
of productivity?
We’ve already touched on labor productivity. On a country scale, labor
productivity is frequently calculated as a ratio of GDP per total hours worked.
So if a country’s GDP were $1 trillion and its people worked
20 billion hours to create that value, the country’s labor
productivity would be $50 per hour. Labor productivity growth is
crucial to increased wages and standards of living, and it helps
increase consumers’ purchasing power.
Economists measure other types
of productivity, too. Capital productivity is a
measure of how well physical capital—such as real estate, equipment, and inventory—is
used to generate output such as goods and services. (Capital productivity and labor productivity are frequently considered together as an
indicator of a country’s overall standard of living.) And total factor productivity
is the portion of growth in output not explained by growth in labor or capital. You could call this type of productivity “innovation-led
growth.”
Why is productivity growth slowing
in advanced countries?
In the United States and Western
Europe, labor productivity growth
has been declining ever since a boom in the 1960s. The story is
a little different in each country. In the United States and Sweden, for example,
there was strong productivity growth from the mid-1990s to the early 2000s, followed
by the largest decline in productivity growth among countries surveyed (due to financial
crisis aftereffects and uncertainty). In Italy and Spain, however, productivity
growth was close to zero for years before the financial crisis in 2008, which meant
that the severe contraction in the labor market after
the crisis actually accelerated productivity growth.
Across the sample of countries
in Western Europe and North America, there have been three micro patterns of productivity
slowdown. First, for a variety of reasons, the recovery from the 2008 financial
crisis has created a job-rich but productivity-weak
environment. Next, the few sectors that are experiencing
accelerated productivity growth are too small or moving too slowly to shift the
overall numbers. Finally, technological development hasn’t had the boosting effect
on labor productivity that it has in the past. To some
analysts, this state of affairs seems like a reappearance of the Solow Paradox of
the 1980s, named for economist Robert Solow who observed in 1987 that the gathering
momentum of the computer age wasn’t reflected in productivity
statistics. The original Solow Paradox was resolved in the 1990s when
a few sectors—technology, retail, and wholesale—led an acceleration of US productivity
growth. It remains to be seen when—or whether—the current productivity paradox will
be resolved.
So why is this happening? Some
economists think it is a supply-driven issue. In practice, this could mean one of
a few things: either that digitization hasn’t yet reached its full potential or
that the age of great innovation has passed and the low-hanging fruit has already
all been picked. Another line of thought is that developed economies are increasingly
service-oriented, which by nature have less productivity growth potential (it takes
professors, for example, the same amount of time to grade a paper today as it did
in 1966, or nurses the same amount of time to change a bandage). What’s more, decades
of industrial overcapacity killed the manufacturing growth engine, and no alternative
has been found—least of all in the low-productivity activities that make up the
service sector.
Other economists believe the
productivity paradox is a demand-driven issue, meaning that households have lower
propensity to consume due to the financial crises of 2008 and 2010 and ensuing austerity
policies. Combined with increasing inequalities, this leads to lower income for
households with a higher propensity to consume. This leads to lower aggregate demand,
which in turn causes a more stagnant supply because there is less incentive for
firms to innovate, invest, and take risks.
To accelerate productivity, business
leaders, policy makers, and individuals must commit to the digital transition. They
must manage the social and economic changes brought by digitization, including its
impact on job displacement.
How can we reconcile slowing
productivity growth and rapid technological change?
The point of technology is to
help us get things done faster and with less effort. This, in turn, means giving
more to consumers for less, which leads to increasing social welfare. So you might assume that increased technological innovation would
mean increased productivity. That’s exactly what happened in the 1990s, when a revolution
in information and communications technology sparked a boom
in productivity.
Why productivity growth has been
declining and how to rekindle it
But it hasn’t been the case more
recently: technology has continued to develop but productivity growth remains sluggish.
According to analysis by the McKinsey Global Institute, this disconnect is due to
three waves that crashed in the
aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. First was the waning of that 1990s productivity
boom, combined with the aftereffects of the financial crisis, including weak demand
and uncertainty. The third wave is digitization, which has necessitated a transformation
of operating and business models.
The first two waves each dragged
down productivity growth by about one percentage point. The third wave promises
to boost productivity but comes with adoption barriers, transition costs, and lags
associated with the need to reach technological and business readiness. Moving forward,
the McKinsey Global Institute predicts growth, most of which will come from emerging
digital opportunities. But this growth will require a dual focus on promoting demand
growth and digital diffusion, in addition to traditional supply-side approaches.
Growth also depends on human capital—meaning people with the right skills and training
to put digitalization, AI, and new technologies to work.
What’s the relationship between
economic growth, labor productivity, and a changing labor market?
Over the past 50 years, the world
economy expanded sixfold and
average per capita income almost tripled. These incredible advances were powered
by rapid population growth—which expanded the number of workers—and a healthy increase
in labor productivity.
But looking ahead, this unprecedented
economic growth will
slow dramatically if productivity doesn’t improve. That’s because population growth
is slowing, which means the labor force is shrinking relative
to the overall population. If there are fewer overall workers contributing to the
economy, each worker’s productivity will have to increase for GDP growth to stay
on track. McKinsey Global Institute research on the future of productivity
and growth after the COVID-19 crisis, focused on the United States
and Europe, found that some firms responded boldly to the pandemic, acting in ways
that have the potential to increase productivity in the years ahead. But the economic
shock of the pandemic and how companies have responded could exacerbate long-run
structural drags on demand. It’s notable that about 60 percent of estimated productivity
potential comes from companies prioritizing efficiency over output growth—through
automation, for
instance. If productivity gains aren’t reinvested in growth that drives jobs and
incomes, we risk a widening inequality
gap.
Fast reskilling is key to avoiding this, by helping people whose jobs have been
automated quickly move on to another job or career. If that new job is more productive
than the last one—which is often the case—that worker is turning a “threat” (the
lost job) into an opportunity and a boost in productivity for themselves and the
economy.
How has the COVID-19 pandemic
affected productivity growth?
Productivity was stagnating prior
to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic, which ushered in the most significant
economic disruption since World War II, only exacerbated the productivity slump.
But that means there’s more room
to grow. Research from the McKinsey Global Institute finds that there is the potential
to accelerate annual productivity growth by around one percentage point in the period
to 2024. That would be more than double the prepandemic
rate of productivity growth. While this potential hasn’t been realized, it does
exist.
This projected rate of growth
could spell exciting changes. Achieving one percentage point of additional productivity
growth per year in every country by 2024 could mean an increase in per capita
GDP
ranging from about $1,500 in Spain to about $3,500 in the United States.
Widespread action—combined with
robust demand—could realize this potential. But without appropriate action, rising
inequality and
unemployment could undermine demand and imperil the possible productivity boost.
The pressures of the pandemic
have already inspired some organizations to attack the problem creatively. Faced
with the necessity of digitization, one McKinsey survey found that companies digitized
many activities 20 to 25 times faster than
they had previously thought possible. What’s more, the pandemic has inspired companies
to become more efficient. Between 42 and 45 percent of respondents to an executive
survey reduced their
operating expenditure as a share of revenue between December 2019 and December 2020.
These indicators point to the potential of a post-pandemic productivity increase.
What can companies
and policy makers do to boost post pandemic productivity?
When the pandemic hit, businesses
and policy makers were creative and bold in responding to unprecedented challenges.
Moving forward, they need to be equally audacious in contributing to the recovery.
CEOs and individual firms need to be proactive rather than
reactive. For example, cutting costs may respond to immediate challenges,
but longer-term investments such as new products and services (and, perhaps, increased
wages) can better serve the goal of driving sustainable, inclusive
growth.
McKinsey research suggests three interlocking priorities for
business leaders and governments:
1.
Sustain and grow innovation and other advances
that increase productivity. Corporations can focus on catalyzing change across their entire supply chains and
ecosystems. Policy can support these efforts through public procurement focused
on innovation, direct research and development investment, and by revising platform
and competition rules.
2.
Ensure actions that boost productivity also support
employment, median wages, and demand. Businesses can help boost demand by emphasizing
growing revenue rather than just seeking efficiency. They can also reskill and upskill
their employees so they can be deployed into more valuable tasks. Policy makers
can support demand with fiscal stimulus and wage-setting norms.
3.
Increase investment to the right places. Long-running
investment gaps related to sustainability, infrastructure, and
affordable housing need
to be closed. Business can support this by making environmental, social, and governance
(ESG) issues central to their decision-making processes. And governments can support
such investments by setting rules for carbon emissions and housing markets, and
by increasing direct investment to high-priority, high-impact areas such as infrastructure
and skill building.
How can investments in intangibles
affect productivity growth?
First, what are intangibles?
Intangibles are assets that underpin
the knowledge economy. These are things like intellectual property
(IP), research, technology and software, and human capital. As
investments in intangibles rise, accelerated by the pandemic, the economy becomes
increasingly dematerialized. This has ushered in a new stage in the history of capitalism—based
on learning, knowledge, and intellectual capital.
Intangibles are at the very root
of productivity growth, and as they gain prominence in the knowledge and digital
economies, they matter for productivity more and more. This suggests that economies
may trigger growth in productivity—and, indeed, long-term economic growth—by increasing
investment in intangibles.
How can a focus on productivity
growth help countries diversify their economies?
Countries dependent on one sector
or resource are more susceptible to economic instability. In the case of Saudi Arabia,
an oil boom from 2003
to 2013 propelled the national economy to become the world’s 19th-largest. But
a changing global energy market and
national demographics means that Saudi Arabia must diversify its economy if it hopes
to become more sustainable. McKinsey research shows that a productivity-led economic
transformation could enable Saudi Arabia to double its GDP and
create six million new jobs by 2030.
A $4 trillion investment in eight
sectors—metals and mining, petrochemicals, manufacturing, retail and wholesale trade,
tourism and hospitality, healthcare, finance, and construction—was estimated to
have the potential to generate more than 60 percent of this growth opportunity.